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"Bates's conclusion-that Aristotle
thought democracy under the rule of law to be the best regime-is
surprising, because this contradicts many of the traditional views of
Aristotle scholars. But even more surprising is that Bates supports his
conclusion with a meticulous reading of Aristotle's Politics. Not only does
Bates deepen our understanding of Aristotle's political thought, he also
suggests an Aristotelian defense of modern liberal democracy as rooted both
in a universal human nature and in particular historical circumstances.
This is a bold book with a provocative argument written in a vigorous
style."
-Larry Arnhart, author of Aristotle on Political
Reasoning: A Commentary on the "Rhetoric" "This is a spirited book which
develops a salutary argument for grounding the case for modern liberal
democracy in Aristotle's Politics.
The argument is both old-fashioned and challenging-and hence refreshing-competently
drawing upon a multitude of familiar authorities and modern commentators. Bates
reminds us what citizenship, patriotism, and piety can mean for a healthy
political order. Best of all,
perhaps, in this helpful introduction to Aristotle's Politics, is the
display provided therein of a learned and provocative intelligence at work
in the service of contemporary republicanism."
-George Anastaplo, author of But not Philosophy: Seven
Introductions to Non-Western Thought |
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The book on Aristotle is a
literary and analytical triumph. It is also a pedagogical tour de force because
through the dialogue approach it achieves a clarity and coherence that stands
out among treatises on political theory. Perhaps this is because the author
does what he argues Aristotle did with Politics.
Both Politics and the Bates book have a twofold characteristic. They are
scholarly and analytical treatises based on rigorous and painstaking research
in the archives and writings on Aristotle. Bates is clearly in command of his
subject. He knows and can compare what Carnes Lord, Leo Strauss, William Bluhm
and others have written and he has himself mastered the text he is writing
about. But he is also able to convey with superior writing skills, the full
thrust of his interpretation. He has mastered the literary craft as few
scholars have done.
The Bates book while it is a scholarly treatise is also a dialogue. In
Bates' words: "the Politics is"
a mixture of two genres--treatise and dialogue. . . . " One becomes aware
of this characteristic early in the book. Someone to whom Bates gives only
passing reference, Hannah Arendt, used to compare the Socrates dialogue to a
conversation between persons with two competing viewpoints. Dialogues help the
student to grasp the substance of the two sides of an issue. Out of such an
exchange, the question is never finally resolved but is somehow illuminated
enabling the listener or reader to say "now I understand"*at least in
part.
Another strength of the Bates study is its organization. Somehow Bates
persuades the reader there is a reason that every topic appears in its place in
his Table of Contents. For example, the first two chapters come first even
though the City and the Citizen take their meaning from
dependence on the Regime. However Bates patiently explains their placement. Not
only is there a reason but he makes it explicit within his text.
The other theme he introduces in the beginning and throughout the text
is why it is important to be crystal clear on what Aristotle has to say about
democracy and the republic. He is tireless in returning to the point and
relentless in challenging the popular view of Aristotle that he places
aristocracy ahead of democracy as the best regime. He uses Hobbes and Sydney to
justify his view. The reader gains confidence in Bates as again and again he
returns to first principles whether in criticism of what he considers flawed
propositions or in misunderstandings of Aristotle.
Other strengths of the book are the intellectual powers reflected in
individual chapters or sections. He questions views on "polity" of
writers he otherwise respects. He helps readers to understand why they came to
the conclusions they did. He answers questions posed in some of his main
headings, for example, "Does Aristotle underrate democracy?" He
explains, "The political excellence of the many" for those who point
to democracy's weaknesses. And he seems to anticipate and respond to questions
the reader may have as he moves from one subject to another.
All through his manuscript Bates addresses recurrent questions that he
may be responsible for placing in the reader's mind: "Who are the best
persons?" "What is just rule?" "Why the concept of 'the
best' is replaced by 'the respectable?"' In every chapter and section new
questions arise. The consequences of one question lead on to new questions that
flow from the answers to former questions. Bates returns to these issues on the
first through the third logos.
Near the end, he returns to the living peaks of governance: the many
and the rule of law. The first peak is his response to the question of
"the best regime." He makes explicit what has throughout been a
central theme how can the people rule? His law is democratic law. The two peaks
are the answer he finds in Aristotle to the dangers that otherwise might arise
from the one or the many as the best ruler.
Concluding his counter-traditional reading of Aristotle's Politics rests on old and new sources
that appear and reappear in his text. His defense of democracy restrained by
law rests also on circumstances. At no point does Bates embrace or find in
Aristotle a radical defense of democracy. Political life for them both is a
practical vocation. The leader is a gardener who feeds and waters the plant of
democracy. Politics three is lecture
notes presenting different arguments as possible truths about political life.
Tyranny no less than democracy is discussed. The text has ideologic character,
a mix of dialogue and competing arguments concerning political things.
Democracy is not something to be established everywhere regardless of the soil.
Bates considers that his argument about democracy is summed up by C. S. Lewis
in an article on equality:
I am a democrat because I
believe in the Fall of Man. I think most people are democrats for the opposite
reason. A great deal of democratic enthusiasm descends from the ideas of people
like Rousseau, who believed in democracy because they thought mankind so wise
and good that everyone deserved a share in the government ....
The real reason for
democracy is just the reverse. Mankind is so fallen that no man can be trusted
with unchecked power over his fellows. Aristotle believed some people were only
fit to be slaves. I do not contradict him. But I reject slavery because I see
no men fit to be masters.
Aristotle's presentation of a democracy restrained by law as the best
regime is a paradigm. Aristotle does not see it as a model to be put into
practice anywhere and everywhere. It depends on circumstances to come into
practice anywhere and everywhere. It depends on circumstances for its coming
into existence and for emerging from an environment that allows it to grow and
prosper. This distinguishes Aristotle's praise of "democracy as the best
regime" compared with other more modem advocates of democracy. So ends the
paraphrase.
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Review of AAristotle’s Best Regime@
This is an enormously
valuable work of scholarship, deserving of publication and wide
readership. One reason for this
positive appraisal is the meticulous work that has clearly gone into its
preparation, as evidenced by its careful reading of the text. The author, treating Aristotle=s works as deserving
to be read as finished products, pays attention to the best translations of the
exact wording, the word order, and the meaning of phrases, in addition to the
structure of the arguments, and the overall structure of the works cited. Such textual analysis allows us to read
Aristotle with a fresh eye, returning to his arguments and setting aside
(without forgetting) the glosses that may mislead as well as instruct.
Mentioning other treatments
of Aristotle on democracy illustrates another reason for considering the
manuscript as highly publishable. The
author is not afraid to challenge either the reader=s preconceptions
or conventional interpretations of the Aristotelian corpus. At the same time, the author readily
acknowledges instances in which his reading of the text differs from well-known
contemporary scholarship, including a number of authors for whom I have great
respect. Yet this picture of Aristotle
as an advocate of a highly nuanced version of the rule of the many as
restrained by the rule of law deserves to be entered into the scholarly debate.
A third factor supporting
the publication of the manuscript lies in its clear differentiation of two
distinct, though complementary and mutually supporting, lines of argument: that
purporting to demonstrate the ability of the many to rule well, and that
contending for the superiority of the rule of law even over the rule of the one
best man. It is true that each line of
argumentation tends to advance in a negative way--undercutting the arguments
for the alternatives rather than making a conclusively positive argument for
the advantages of rule by either the many or a body of law-but in this the
author only emulates Aristotle himself.
The more important point to note is the skillful way in which each
separate strand of argument is brought to the conclusion so that it may be
neatly tied to its counterpart in the conclusion. ….